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1995-01-31
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<text id=94TT1472>
<title>
Oct. 31, 1994: Germany:Confidence in Old King Kohl
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Oct. 31, 1994 New Hope for Public Schools
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
GERMANY, Page 42
Confidence in Old King Kohl
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Despite recession, high taxes and unemployment, the architect
of unification wins four more years
</p>
<p>By Bruce W. Nelan--Reported by Bruce van Voorst/Bonn, with other bureaus
</p>
<p> Helmut Kohl and Germany look like a good physical match: the
tall, burly Chancellor casts as large a political shadow at
home as his powerful country does across the European Continent.
While Kohl needed a lot of help from his coalition partners
to win a fourth straight four-year term last week, he was the
real issue of the campaign. Some posters carried only his portrait,
without bothering to mention his name or that of his Christian
Democratic Party. Unfazed when popularity polls showed him trailing
11% early this year, he insisted he would still win the national
election. As his prediction came true, he smiled and asked,
"What more could I have hoped for?"
</p>
<p> Well, possibly a larger majority. He and his partners from the
Christian Social Union and the Free Democratic Party will control
the new 672-member Bundestag by only 10 seats--a drop of 124
from four years ago. No one has forgotten how swiftly and confidently
Kohl engineered Germany's unification, but this electoral decline
is about what has happened since then. It marks the price he
paid for a steep post-union recession, now ending, and the resentment
felt in both eastern and western Germany over the high cost
of bringing them together. Even so, unified Germany stuck with
Kohl's leadership.
</p>
<p> In the capitals of Europe and in Washington as well, that was
excellent news. Demonstrations of continuity and stability are
particularly welcomed from Germany, the colossus of Western
Europe and the world's No. 3 industrial economy. Most of Germany's
neighbors were at least a bit apprehensive about how the country
would behave after coming triumphantly together five years ago,
but Kohl's administration has reassured them. "Germany is not
what it was in the past," says a French government official
in Paris. German neo-Nazis have committed shocking public atrocities,
but they do not presage a national trend toward extremism. An
important proof: the far-right Republican Party took only 1.9%
of last week's vote.
</p>
<p> One criticism Germany's neighbors sometimes make about Kohl
is that he is preoccupied with domestic politics and lacks vision.
But it seems an odd charge to lay against a man dedicated to
expanding the Atlantic alliance and making the European Union
live up to its name. "Germany," says a senior NATO official
in Brussels, "is probably the only major country that is whole-heartedly
committed to both NATO and the European Union." Germans must
realize, Kohl said last week, that their new unity "will be
wasted if we don't press ahead in parallel with European unity."
</p>
<p> Kohl wants to see Germany so embedded in European institutions
that it will never again be tempted to swing its weight alone.
He is so eager to create a common currency and a common foreign
policy that he is willing to do so in a two-tier union, with
an inner core of those ready to move forward by the end of this
decade and an outer ring of those not financially or politically
ready.
</p>
<p> Similarly, Kohl likes NATO so much he wants to see it grow bigger.
He is uncomfortable with Germany's exposed position on the frontier
between the solidity of NATO and the uncertainty of what used
to be the Warsaw Pact. He would like to move NATO's border east,
embracing Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia,
even in the face of vehement opposition from Russia. On that
score he may face Washington's displeasure too, even if Bill
Clinton did say when he visited Germany last July, "I always
agree with Helmut."
</p>
<p> The passion of Kohl's European dreams will not keep domestic
problems from claiming much of his attention during what he
says will be his last term in office. He will have to go on
paying the bills, now up to $330 billion, for rebuilding the
east without overburdening the country's highly taxed citizens.
He must try to keep the economic recovery on track, bring down
unemployment rates (running nearly 8% in the west and 14% in
the east) and work with overpriced industry and unions to mend
Germany's sagging productivity.
</p>
<p> The Social Democrats say they will not be cooperative: they
vow to do their best to overturn the ruling coalition before
its term is over. Though his party has lost the past four elections,
Social Democratic leader Rudolf Scharping calls Kohl's alliance
"a coalition of losers." Kohl did not seem worried last week.
"A majority is a majority," he observed. Correct, and Helmut
Schmidt, one of Germany's most effective Chancellors, governed
for six years with an identical 10-seat margin. For that matter,
Konrad Adenauer became Chancellor in 1949 by a majority of only
one seat. Kohl is betting that he will be on hand two years
from now to celebrate overtaking Adenauer's postwar record of
14 years in office.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>